Brexit always promised to be a thorny problem. It would be a
daunting task under ideal circumstances, and conditions are far from
ideal.
The situation has become more complex in recent days. First,
the High Court ruled that even though Parliament had approved the referendum,
its authorization is needed again to
trigger Article 50, which properly begins the divorce proceedings.
May's government is engaged in a two-prong response. First, it is appealing the High Court
decision. Reports suggest that privately, many ministers expect to lose
the appeal. The Supreme Court is expected to hear the appeal early next
month. Second, there are reports that a bill is being drafted for Parliament
to approve. May has indicated a strong desire to trigger Article 50 by
the end of Q1.
While the Tories enjoy a small majority in Parliament, the general sense
is that the MPs are less sympathetic to Brexit than the nation. The
Tories are split. Although Labor
leader Corbyn wrote a page op-ed in favor of
remaining, he has historically been hostile to the EU and, seemingly, made a
halfhearted effort to rally support for the remain
camp.
Yesterday, Corbyn reportedly indicated that he would instruct Labour MPs
to vote against triggering Article 50 unless access to the single market can be
guaranteed. The Brexit camp and many outspoken Tory MPs have placed
emphasis on limiting immigration rather than preserving access to the single
market. May herself has said that regaining control of its borders, something she apparently struggled to
do as Home Secretary (a slim majority of UK immigrants come from non-EU
countries) even though the UK is not a member of the Schengen
Agreement.
One way or the other, May will have to reveal more of her Brexit
plans. Even if the Supreme Court overturns the High Court
verdict, the Prime Minister will want to share her broad objectives, perhaps
before the end of the year. The rivalry between Brexit Minister Davis and
Chancellor of the Exchequer Hammond has been
put aside, and a common plan to
defend the financial sector (City of London) interest has been devised.
There is a growing sense of urgency. The head of the British
Bankers' Association said recently that
banks could start moving operations out of London within weeks, with many small
banks starting to relocate before the end of the year. There appears to
be a gradual recognition that UK banks and insurers will likely lose "passporting" rights that permit them to
sell their services throughout the EU provided the UK "equivalence"
with EU regulations.
The fear is that "equivalence" is not a secure enough
foundation for businesses. The UK would be forced to still adopt Brussels rules, without UK input, or "passporting" privileges would be lost. And it could happen quickly, say
within a month. An EU review
is currently underway on streamlining and strengthening the current equivalency
rules.
If Parliament votes down the legislation necessary to trigger Article 50,
May reportedly will consider calling for
a general election. Up until now, May has denied interest in this
course. Also, the changing electoral laws make it a little difficult to
do so with her slim majority. Labour, which would likely get shellacked,
has little interest in early elections
Even in an election that the Conservatives would likely win, it might not
work in May's interest. Which wing of the Tory Party would come on
top? The one that thinks that immigration is the biggest challenge or
those that want to maintain access to the common market. The former is
understood to be a hard Brexit, while the latter suggests greater continuity in
a Swiss-like arrangement.
Simply put, May comes from a different wing of the Tories that Cameron
and Osborne. In numerous areas,
she has moved distanced herself from the former Prime Minister. However,
she arguably compounded Cameron's folly by repeating it: Brexit means
Brexit, she said ad nausea. A
different leader could have said. "Look, Cameron improperly tied
himself to the mast. He insisted on treating the non-binding referendum
as if it were something else, binding. This
is an injustice." She
could have argued that the narrowness of the outcome (less than two percentage
points) was insufficient for such a momentous decision.
Rather than spur a constitutional crisis, May could have left it in
Parliament's hands to being, knowing full well that as a body, it was less
sympathetic with the hard Brexit priorities. She arguably is
acting like the Home Secretary rather than proving the strong leadership the country needs. Some of the costs
of the referendum are already being born in
terms of the sterling's drop and the resumption of asset purchases, the
forgoing efforts to reduce the country's debt, and the loss of the EU rotating
presidency senior EU commissioner portfolio. Many in the Brexit
camp see the resilience of the UK economy as proof that the Remainers had exaggerated the negative economic
impact. This too may prove
illusory. The significant drop sterling will alter the terms of trade and
facilitate a restructuring of the UK economy.
The weekend press warned that several imported brands of consumer goods
were raising prices in the UK. The Financial Times noted that Walkers
crisps and Birds Eye frozen food's would
join Unilever's and rise prices. Walkers cited the exchange
rates for lifting prices by 10%. It claimed that imported items
such as seasonings, frying oil and packaging film prices were
rising.
The FT quoted the company spokesperson: "Fluctuating foreign exchange rates, supply pressure on key
ingredients and the weakened value of the
pound are impacted the import cost of some of our materials and affecting the
price of material costs based on commodities that are traded in foreign currencies." Birds Eye, a provider of frozen vegetables, fish and chicken
said it is considering a 12% price increase
and may reduce the size of some servings to compensate for the decline in
sterling.
There are two observations that are worth sharing. First, the
price increases are thus far limited to consumer goods. Second, the
companies that are raising prices are from Anglo-American countries. Companies
in these countries rely more on markets to provide capital than banks.
The access to impatient capital makes
them more likely to pass exchange rate shocks on to customers. It is
important that profit margins are protected. That is what their cost of
capital depends on. Companies from
other countries, typically continental European and Japanese companies rely
more on patient bank capital. They are more likely to accept narrower profit margins to maintain market share; their key to long-term access to capital.
Disclaimer
An English Breakfast Causes Less Indigestion than the British Brexit
Reviewed by Marc Chandler
on
November 07, 2016
Rating: