In what can only be seen an unexpected Chinese
success, several US allies have agreed to participate in China and India's
Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. The UK not only appeared
to break ranks with the US, but seemed to have preempted its European partners
as well. Once the UK expressed interest, it was if a dam burst and
quickly others signed up as well.
Recall that the $50 bln institution was set up
last October, and others have until the end of this month to join to be
considered as founding members. This allows participation in the
decision making of the AIIB though the details are not clear. Those that
join later will not have such a role, which is a subtle hint of the difference
between it and the other multilateral institutions, like the IMF and World
Bank.
To say that the AIIB will compete with
the $160 bln Asian Development Bank is a bit of an exaggeration. First,
the infrastructure needs in Asia are much larger than the ADB can fund.
Second, the ADB has been consulting with the AIIB in an advisory
capacity. Third, Japan, which has headed the ADB since it was founded in
almost 55 years ago, is also considering joining AIIB.
Leaving aside US parochial concerns, which
seem to be over the increase of China's influence, there are reasonable
questions about the transparency and governance of the AIIB. It does
not appear to be simply a development bank with China as a key
shareholder. Rather than promote neo-liberal values, embodied in the
Washington Consensus, the AIIB could encourage China's state capitalism
model. The criteria for picking projects is also not clear.
While this is seen as a diplomatic setback for
the Obama Administration, the underlying problem may lie with Congress. It
has blocked IMF funding which is the precondition for reforming the voting
(quotas), which would give China and other developing countries a greater
voice. In contrast, the Obama Administration seems to recognize
that if China (and others) do not get a larger voice in the existing
institutions, it will create parallel institutions.
The frustration with the US on this issue is
palpable. There is another issue at stake that head of China's
central bank Zhou Xiaochuan made clear at a forum yesterday. On a panel
with the IMF's Lagarde, Zhou pushed for the yuan to be included as a reserve
asset and in the SDR basket.
IMF recognized reserve currencies and the
components of the SDR are reviewed every five years. In 2010, the
yuan was rejected on both scores because it was not "freely
usable". This was also the argument that MSCI used not to include
China's A shares in its global indices last year. Lagarde, who
reportedly is particularly frustrated with the US, indicated that "the
yuan clearly belongs in the SDR basket" and that the IMF is working with
China to achieve it.
Lagarde did not commit herself to any specific
timing. At the end of last year, the IMF indicated it would complete
the review of the SDR in October. An informal briefing is expected in
May. Being recognized as a reserve currency and included in the SDR
basket would be a recognition of China's reform efforts and its increasing
importance in the world economy. It would likely further enhance the
internationalization of the yuan. More than 50 countries
invest in yuan assets, according to some industry estimates, but such IMF
action would remove an additional barrier.
Although PBOC's Zhou emphasized the
liberalization measures China has already taken, like the Shanghai-Hong Kong
link, more efforts to increase the convertibility of the capital account may be
necessary. Zhou indicated that additional measures are likely to be
forthcoming in the period ahead.
AIIB Prelude to SDR Decision
Reviewed by Marc Chandler
on
March 23, 2015
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