Catalonia goes to the polls on September 27. Although efforts
to hold a referendum on independence was stymied by Madrid, many partisans are
claiming the weekend election is precisely such a referendum.
Even if this is not legally true, a victory by a coalition of those seeking
independence would intensify the confrontation with the federal government,
ahead of the national elections that will be held later this year.
The leading independent coalition (Junta pel Si--Together for Yes) has
promised a Catalan state within 18 months of the election. Although
this seems far-fetched, it illustrates likely pressures that will mount.
The polls show this coalition winning around 40% of the vote, but just shy of a
the 68 seats needed to secure a parliamentary majority. There are other
parties who favor independence but did not join the Junta pel Si that could
form a coalition.
Catalonia has long sought greater independence. It is an
economically prosperous region that is a net contributor via fiscal transfers
to other regions in Spain. It accounts for roughly 20% of Spanish GDP
and has a substantial (~5%) budget surplus.
However, despite what the protagonists are saying, only about a fifth of
Catalans identify independence as the most important issue. About
three-fifths say the economy is the most important issue. Overall, polls
suggest about 40% favor independence. Moreover, the federal government,
the central bank, other EU members, and even the football league, warns of a heavy
price of secession. To discourage other regions from breaking away from
their countries, an independent Catalonia would not be an EU or EMU
member.
While the risk that Catalonia secedes is rather modest, the impact could
be quite serious. Without it, Spain's macro condition deteriorates
sharply. It could embolden other parts of Spain to leave as
well.
Spain holds national elections in November or December. This
warns that the political uncertainty in Spain will not be alleviated by this
weekend's vote in Catalonia. Indeed, the risk is that the election
produces no clear winner. A coalition would have to be forged.
Spain, arguably even more than the UK, is not accustomed to coalition
governments. Its elections have produced a single party majority since
democracy returned after Franco.
The political uncertainty may also encourage investors to look closer at
Spain's economic recovery. Spain has enjoyed among the strongest
recoveries of the large eurozone countries over the past two years.
Austerity and reforms have slowed as the government positions for the
election. However, pressure from the IMF and EU to resume its efforts
will likely resurface early next year.
Spain has under-performed Italy all year, but it has especially been
pronounced over the past three months. Consider that over the course
of the year, Spanish 10-year yields have risen 38 bp while Italy's have fallen
by 12 bp. Of that 50 bp under-performance by Spain, 27 of it has taken
place over the past three months.
Italian stocks are among the best performers this year among the high
income countries. The FTSE Milan Index is up 11.4%
year-to-date. Spain's IBEX is off 7.5%. Over the past three
months, as nearly all equity markets have fallen, Italy is down 10.2%,while
Spain is off 16.6%.
The political cloud that hangs over Spain will likely last the remainder
of the year, at least. Its asset markets are likely to
under-perform Italy, regardless of the precise electoral outcome.
disclaimer
Catalan Election and the Under-Performance of Spain
Reviewed by Marc Chandler
on
September 23, 2015
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