The pendulum of market
sentiment swings dramatically. It has swung from nearly everyone and their sister
complaining that the Federal Reserve was lagging behind the surge in prices to fear
of a recession. On June 15, at the conclusion of the last FOMC meeting,
the swaps market priced in a 4.60% terminal Fed funds rate. That seemed
like a stretch, given the headwinds the economy faces that include fiscal
policy and an energy and food price shock on top of monetary policy tightening. It is now
seen closer to 3.5%. It is lower now than it was on when the FOMC meeting
concluded on May 4 with a 50 bp hike.
In addition to the
tightening of monetary policy and the roughly halving of the federal budget
deficit, the inventory cycle, we argued was mature and would not be the tailwind it was in Q4. While we recognized that the labor market
was strong, with around 2.3 mln jobs created in the first five month, we noted
the four-week moving average of weekly jobless claims have been rising for more
than two months. In the week to June 17, the four-week moving average
stood at 223k. It is a 30% increase from the lows seen in April. It is approaching the
four-week average at the end of 2019 (238k), which itself was a two-year
high. In addition, we saw late-cycle behavior with households borrowing from the
past (drawing down savings and monetizing their house appreciation) and from
the future (record credit card use in March and April).
The Fed funds futures strip
now sees the Fed's rate cycle ending in late Q1 23 or early Q2 23. A cut is being priced into the last few
months of next year. This has knock-on effects on the dollar. We
suspect it is an important part of the process that forms a dollar peak.
There is still more wood to chop, as they say, and a constructive news stream
from Europe and Japan is still lacking. The sharp decline in Russian gas
exports to Europe is purposely precipitating a crisis that Germany's Green
Economic Minister, who reluctantly agreed to boost the use of coal (though not
yet extend the life of Germany's remaining nuclear plants that are to go
offline at the end of the year), warns could spark a Lehman-like event in the
gas sector.
At the low point last week, the US 10-year yield had declined by around 50 bp from the peak the day before the Fed delivered its 75
bp hike. This
eases a key pressure on the yen, and, at the same time, gives the BOJ some
breathing space for the 0.25% cap on its 10-year bond. A former
Ministry of Finance official cited the possibility of unilateral intervention. While
we recognize this as another step up the intervention escalation ladder, it may not be
credible. First, it was a former official. It would be considerably
more important if it were a current official. Second, by raising the
possibility, it allowed some short-covering of the yen, which reduces the
lopsided positioning and reduces the impact of intervention. Third, on
the margin, it undermines the surprise-value.
Ultimately, the decline in
the yen reflects fundamental considerations. The widening of the divergence of
monetary policy is not just that other G10 countries are tightening, but also
that Japan is easing policy. A couple of weeks ago, to defend its
yield-curve-control, the BOJ bought around $80 bln in government bonds.
The odds of a successful intervention, besides the headline impact, is thought
to be enhanced if it signals a change in policy and/or if it is coordinated
(multilateral).
There are a few high
frequency data points that will grab attention in the coming days, but they are
unlikely to shape the contours of the investment and business
climate. The
key drivers are the pace that financial conditions are tightening, the extent
that China's zero-Covid policy is disrupting its economy and global supply
chains, and the uncertainty around where inflation will peak.
Most of the high frequency
data, like China's PMI and Japan's industrial production report and the
quarterly Tankan survey results, and May US data are about fine-tuning the
understanding of Q2 economic activity and the momentum at going into Q3. They pose headline risk, perhaps,
but may be of little consequence. It is all about the inflation and
inflation expectations: except in Japan. Tokyo's May CPI, released a few
weeks before the national figures, is most unlikely to persuade the Bank of
Japan that the rise in inflation will not be temporary.
With fear of recession
giving inflation a run for its money in terms of market angst, the dollar may
be vulnerable to disappointing real sector data, though the disappointing
preliminary PMI likely stole some thunder. The Atlanta Fed's GDPNow says the US
economy has stagnated in Q2, but this is not representative of
expectations. It does not mean it is wrong, but it is notable that the
median in Bloomberg's survey is that the US economy is expanding by 3% at an
annualized rate. This seems as optimistic as the Atlanta Fed model is
pessimistic. May consumption and income figures will help fine-tune GDP
forecasts, but the deflator may lose some appeal. Even though the Fed
targets the headline PCE deflator, Powell cited the CPI as the switch from 50
to 75 bp hike.
In that light, the preliminary
estimate of the eurozone's June CPI that comes at the end of next week might be the
most important economic data point. It comes ahead of the July 21 ECB meeting for which
the first rate hike in 11 years has been all but promised. Although ECB
President Lagarde had seemed to make clear a 25 bp initial move was
appropriate, the market thinks the hawks may continue to press and have about a
1-in-3 chance of a 50 bp move. The risk of inflation is still on the
upside and Lagarde has mentioned the higher wage settlements in Q2. That said, the investors are becoming more concerned about a recession and expectations for the year-end policy rate have fallen by 30 bp (to about 0.90%) since mid-June.
A couple of days before the
CPI release the ECB hosts a conference on central banking in Sintra (June
27-June 29). The
topic of this year's event is "Challenges for monetary policy in a rapidly
changing world," which seems apropos for almost any year. The
conventional narrative places much of the responsibility of the high inflation
on central banks. It is not so much the dramatic reaction to the Pandemic
as being too slow to pullback. In the US, some argue that the fiscal
stimulus aggravated price pressures. On the face of it, the difference in
fiscal policy between the US and the eurozone, for example, may not explain the
difference between the US May CPI of 8.6% year-over-year and EMU's 8.1%
increase, or Canada's 7.7% rise, or the UK's 9.1% pace.
There is a case to be made
that we are still too close to the pandemic to put the experience in a broader
context. This may
also be true because the effects are still rippling through the
economies. In the big picture, central banks, leaving aside the BOJ,
appear to have responded quicker this time than after the Great Financial
Crisis in pulling back on the throttle, even if they could have acted
sooner. Some of the price pressures may be a result of some of the
changes wrought by the virus. For example, a recent research
paper found that over half of the nearly 24% rise in US house prices
since the end of 2019 can be explained by the shift to working remotely, for
example.
The rise in gasoline prices
in the US reflect not only the rise in oil prices, but also the loss of refining
capacity. The
pandemic disruptions saw around 500k barrels a day of refining capacity
shutdown. Another roughly 500k of day of refining capacity shifted to
biofuels. ESG considerations, and pressure on shale producers to boost
returns to shareholders after years of disappointment have also discouraged
investment into the sector. The surge in commodity prices from energy and
metals to semiconductors to lumber are difficult to link to monetary or fiscal
policies.
Such an explanation would
also suggest that contrary to some suggestions, the US is not exporting
inflation. Instead,
most countries are wrestling with similar supply-driven challenges and
disruptions. That said, consider that US core CPI has risen 6% in the
year through May, while the ECB's core rate is up 3.8%, and rising. The US core
rate has fallen for two months after peaking at 6.5%. The UK's core CPI
was up 5.9% in May, its first slowing (from 6.2%) since last September.
Japan's CPI stood at 2.5% in May, but the measure excluding fresh food and
energy has risen a benign 0.8% over the past 12 months.
Consider Sweden. The Riksbank meets on June 30. May
CPI accelerated to 7.3% year-over-year. The underlying rate, which uses a
fixed interested rate, and is the rate the central bank has targeted for five
years is at 7.2%. The underlying rate excluding energy is still up 5.4%
year-over-year, more than doubling since January. The policy rate sits at
0.25%, having been hiked from zero in April. The economy is strong.
The May composite PMI was a robust 64.4. The economy appears to be
growing around a 3% year-over-year clip. Unemployment, however, remains
elevated at 8.5%, up from 6.4% at the end of last year. The swaps market
has a 50 bp hike fully discounted and about a 1-in-3 chance of a 75 bp
hike. The next Riksbank meeting is not until September 20, and the market
is getting close to pricing in a 100 bp hike. Year-to-date, the krona has
depreciated 11% against the dollar and about 3% against the euro.
In addition to macroeconomic developments, geopolitics gets the limelight in the coming days. The G7 summit is June 26-28. Coordinating sanctions on Russia will likely dominate the agenda and as the low-hanging fruit has been picked, it will be increasingly challenging to extend them to new areas.
At least two important issues will go unspoken and they arise from domestic US political considerations. Although President Biden has recommended a three-month gas tax holiday, he needs Congress to do it. That is unlikely. Inflation, and in particular gasoline prices are a critical drag on the administration and the Democrats more broadly, who look set to lose both houses. And the Senate and Congressional Republicans are not inclined to soften the blow. Talk of renewing an export ban on gasoline and/oil appears to be picking up. The American president has more discretion here. This type of protectionism needs to be resisted because could it be a slippery slope.
The other issue is the global corporate tax reform. Although many countries, most recently Poland, have been won over, it looks increasingly likely that the US Senate will not approve it. Biden and Yellen championed it, but the votes are not there now, and it seems even less likely they will be there in the next two years. The particulars are new, but the pattern is not. The US has not ratified the Law of the Seas nor is it a member of the International Court of Justice. Some push back and say that the US acts as if it were. That argument will be less persuasive on the corporate tax reform.
NATO meets on June 29-30. For the first time, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and South Korea will be attending. Clearly, the signal is that Russia's invasion of Ukraine is not distracting from China. Most recently, China pressed its case that the Taiwan Strait is not international waters. Some in Europe, including France, do not want to dilute NATO's mission by extending its core interest to the Asia Pacific area and distracting from European challenges. NATO is to publish a new long-term strategy paper. Consider that the last one was in 2010 and did not mention Beijing and said it would seek a strategic partnership with Russia. Putin's actions broke the logjam in Sweden and Finland, and both now want to join NATO, but Turkey is holding it up.
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